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Ly reading crease, sme v. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, Signed Co-Author Hardcover, good condition, w. Ltly bumped bottom corners. He argues that "political boundaries support the recruitment that is the complement to exclusion in urban sorting. Specifically, there should be a higher degree of segregation by salient characteristics in the United States. No definitive work has been done on this subject, but there is anecdotal evidence to support this hypothesis.

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Berry comments on the relative lack of segregation by race and class in Britain and Western Europe. There is evidence that the ease of municipal incorporation promotes the creation of large numbers of local governments, a precondition for income stratification by jurisdiction Nelson, ; Burns, The existence of more local governments permits households to sort themselves out by income, and research has shown that the number of local governments is associated with more income stratification.

Studies by Hamilton et al. For a review of the empirical research on sorting, see Dowding et al.

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Burns contends that since the desire to segregate by race has been more important than the desire to segregate by income as a factor in explaining the creation of new municipal governments. Employing multivariate analysis to explain variation in the incorporation of new municipalities in a sample of counties, she found that the number of nonwhite people in the county had a significant and more substantial impact on incorporation than did the number of poor people.

Weiher makes a similar argument and found, using analysis of variance, that segregation by race, education, and income over the period came to be organized more by city than by neighborhoods within cities. He argues that a series of policy changes, primarily through court rulings, have made segregation by race within jurisdictions subject to legal action, but has rendered segregation at jurisdictional boundaries legally secure.

Central-city residence has adverse effects in many metropolitan areas in two obvious ways. First, fiscal disparities frequently impose higher tax burdens on residents and provide them with lower-quality services than would be the case if they lived in a suburb with the average area tax capacity. The result is a reduction in the income and well-being of city residents, a penalty for city living.

Second, the movement of jobs from the central city to the periphery and the reduction of low-skilled jobs in the city make it more difficult for city residents to gain access to jobs and lead to the problem of spatial mismatch. A healthy central city affects the well-being of its residents.

And, as discussed below, it also affects the well-being of suburban residents and the nation. Central cities have provided the agglomeration economies that have powered metropolitan growth. They have also functioned as the port of entry, socialization, and assimilation for immigrants, providing them with low-cost housing and opportunities for economic advancement. Daniel i notes that, of the 8. Can central cities continue to perform these traditional functions?

Is the central city still viable? The traditional rationale for the economic contribution of cities is that agglomeration economies provide a competitive advantage for firms locating in cities; they are seen to be the driving force in the development of the metropolitan economy. Agglomeration economies are cost savings to firms that result from their locating in urban areas. Such economies are of two types. Localization economies are savings that result from a firm locating near other firms in the same or related industries.

Urbanization economies are economies that result when the production costs of a firm decline as the aggregate level of economic activity expands within the area. Mills and Lubuele cite Henderson's estimate that metropolitan-area output per unit of input increases 4 to 6 percent for each doubling of its population. According to Ihlanfeldt , agglomeration economies have three causes: labor market economies, scale economies in the production of intermediate inputs, and communication economies.

He observes that the last two of these clearly favor central cities. There is general agreement that agglomeration economies still exist and provide important advantages to metropolitan economies.

But there is the question of whether they can now be achieved at lower densities in the suburbs. Some researchers argue that suburbanization of office development and the growth of "edge cities" Garreau, provide the same opportunity for agglomeration economies that exists in central cities, and thus cities have lost their competitive advantage Hicks, ; Hartshorn and Muller, Others contend that telecommunications advances will soon make it possible to transact business without the need for face-to-face contact, again eroding the advantage of cities.

Danielson and Wolpert argue that a new metropolitan form is emerging in the suburbs that, by implication, reduces the significance of the central city:. This new metropolis is a new urban form, the latest stage in an evolving process.

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The vibrant world of the new metropolis encompasses corporate headquarters, new industries such as aerospace and electronics, research laboratories and health complexes, massive malls and lesser retail clusters, hotel and convention centers, arenas and stadiums, government offices and university campuses.

These developments produce a sprawling landscape of low-density settlement punctuated by nodes of intense activity usually located at major intersections of radial expressways.

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As the new metropolis evolves, the original central business district becomes one among many centers, with its own specialized activities and market niche. Muller observes that "globalization forces intensify and accelerate the suburban transformation of the American city. A new urban future is being shaped as fully developed suburbs become the engine driving metropolitan and word city growth.

There are, however, counterarguments. First, as Clapp argues, even though telecommunication technology may permit interaction, people still may enjoy face-to-face interaction more and gain more from it. Indeed, Mills makes a distinction between ambiguous and unambiguous information, with the former inevitably requiring face-to-face exchange regardless of the state of telecommunications technology.

Ihlanfeldt has examined evidence on the extent to which central cities retain the advantages of an agglomeration economy, observing that empirical research on this question has been sparse. He nonetheless cites studies indicating that face-to-face contacts continue to be an important determinant of the location of office activity.